Madrid – As Europe grapples with increased military spending to meet commitments, Spain faces significant challenges in fulfilling President Trump’s suggestion to allocate as much as 5% of its economic output to defense. This ambitious target contrasts sharply with Spain’s current investment, which stood at 1.28% of its GDP in 2022. The nation ranks last in this regard among the 32 NATO member countries after an agreement by the alliance’s members to aim for at least a 2% GDP contribution in defense spending. This initiative has gained urgency particularly in light of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, prompting 23 NATO countries to work towards meeting this benchmark.
Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and his administration assert a strong commitment toward both European security and NATO obligations. Since 2018, Spain’s defense budget has seen a substantial increase of approximately 50%, rising from 8.5 billion euros ($8.9 billion) to 12.8 billion euros in 2023. The Sánchez government has framed this uptick as a testament to their dedication to achieving NATO’s 2% spending target by the year 2029, following a longstanding history of inadequate defense financing.
However, defense experts and former officials highlight the difficulty Spain would face in ramping up its military budget further and quicker. This reluctance is primarily due to a historical aversion towards militarism in Spain, shaped by its past under dictatorship and its geographic distance from Europe’s eastern border. Nicolás Pascual de la Parte, a former Spanish ambassador to NATO now serving in the European Parliament as a member of the conservative Popular Party, noted that after World War II, many European nations, including Spain, became accustomed to relying on the United States for their security, particularly through its nuclear capabilities.
Pascual de la Parte admitted that increased spending on defense is necessary for Spain, but the political landscape makes it a contentious issue.
Spain’s relationship with NATO dates back to 1982, shortly after the country transitioned from a 40-year military dictatorship to a young democracy that narrowly voted to join the alliance. It wasn’t until 1999 that Spain fully integrated into NATO’s military framework and, as Carlota Encina, a defense analyst from the Elcano Royal Institute, stated, the nation is still relatively new as a member.
Indeed, public sentiment often leans against military actions, illustrating a general skepticism towards Spain’s involvement in combat zones. The Spanish populace had shown overwhelming opposition to the 2003 Iraq War, though recent polls indicate growing support for certain NATO activities, particularly in response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. A significant 70% of Spaniards endorsed the idea of NATO supplying military resources to Ukraine, yet only half supported increasing Spain’s own defense budget.
Political commentators contend that militarization does not resonate well with the electorate, particularly given Spain’s geographic separation from the conflict zones in Eastern Europe, unlike countries like Poland and the Baltic States, which have surpassed NATO’s 2% target.
Former EU parliament member Ignasi Guardans emphasized the national military’s positive image is largely tied to its humanitarian efforts. The Spanish military earned public respect recently through its disaster response efforts during severe floods in Valencia, but Guardans noted this does not equate to increased support for NATO per se.
Sánchez’s government argues that even if Spain hasn’t met NATO’s budgetary benchmark, its commitment can be gauged through its various foreign missions, stressing that Spain’s effort should not solely be measured by its GDP allocation. Defense Minister Margarita Robles has reiterated Spain’s staunch reliability as a NATO ally, highlighting that over 3,800 Spanish military personnel are engaged in peacekeeping missions, many in collaboration with NATO. Spanish forces contribute to multiple international operations, including in Latvia, Slovakia, Romania, and Lebanon, and maintain shared naval facilities with the U.S. Navy.
Nonetheless, analysts point out that Germany’s defense spending sometimes appears opaque, with the Spanish government frequently exceeding its established defense budget through additional unforeseen allocations.
Pascual de la Parte contended that the 2% GDP measure may not be the perfect yardstick, as NATO members vary widely in how they account for their military expenditures. Different member countries may include or exclude items like military pensions in their calculations, leading to potential inconsistencies in reported defense spending.
